18
AUGUST 2006
Mexican Newsweekly Asks for Access to Contested Ballots,
Uses Access to Information Act to Request Independent Count
By
Emilene Martínez Morales and Jesse Franzblau, National
Security Archive's Mexico Project
Editing Assistance Farrah Hassen and Michael Baney
In
the spirit of the right to know Mexican newsweekly Proceso
has requested access to documents, tally sheets and ballots
pertaining to the July 2, 2006 presidential elections via
four different requests through Mexico's Freedom of Information
Law. Three of the requests, signed by the magazine's director,
Rafael Rodriguez Castañeda, were submitted to the
Federal Electoral Institute (IFE) on July 28, 2006. A separate
petition was submitted to the IFE on August 14. Proceso
seeks to gain access to this information to hold an independent
recount of the votes cast in the closest election in Mexican
history. If Proceso is granted access to the ballots the
process could unfold in a way similar to that of the independent
analysis conducted by media organizations and civil society
groups in the U.S. following the disputed 2000 presidential
elections.
A
Controversial Election
The
president of Mexico is elected by a direct popular vote
for a six year term. No matter how close the vote is,
there is no second round. The Institutional Revolutionary
Party (PRI) occupied the presidency from its creation
in 1929 until 2000, when Vicente Fox of the National
Action Party (PAN) won the presidency, putting an end
to the 71 year rule of the PRI.
Mexican
presidential elections were practically uncontested
until 1988, when Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas
from the National Democratic Front (FDN) made a serious
challenge to the PRI's hegemony. Although the PRI
was declared the winner, the election was plagued
with allegations of widespread electoral fraud. In
the wake of the 1988 election, the government instituted
reforms leading to a transparent and relatively trusted
electoral system. These reforms included the creation
of the autonomous Federal Electoral Institute (IFE).
The
frontrunners of the 2006 election were Felipe Calderon from
President Fox's conservative PAN and Andrés Manuel
López Obrador from the leftist Democratic Revolution
Party (PRD), which led the electoral alliance known as the
Coalición por el Bien de Todos (Alliance for the
Good of All). Polls conducted shortly before the elections
showed a tight race between the two main candidates.
Voting
was held peacefully on July 2, 2006. Preliminary counts
gave Calderón less than a 1% lead over López
Obrador. Although the Federal Electoral Institute (IFE)
announced that the race was too close to call without a
count of all the ballots, both candidates proclaimed themselves
victorious on the night of the elections. Mexicans had to
wait until July 7, when the final figures were announced.
Felipe Calderon obtained a narrow victory by 243,934 votes
over Andrés Manuel López Obrador, only 0.58%
of the total number of votes for this presidential election,
which was close to 42 million in total.
López
Obrador refused to accept the results as declared by IFE,
claiming that a series of irregularities occurred at polling
stations. He submitted a 900 page challenge to the Mexican
Federal Electoral Tribunal of the Judicial Branch (TEPJF),
demanding a manual recount of each of the votes cast for
president. Since then, his followers have taken to the streets,
demanding a recount "vote by vote, polling station
by polling station." Supporters of López Obrador
have set up camps in Mexico City's main square and adjacent
roads, disrupting life in the Mexican capital. They have
engaged in other forms of civil resistance across the country,
blocking access to government offices, banks and taking
over tollbooths in highways leading to Mexico City.
On
August 5, the Federal Electoral Tribunal of the Judicial
Branch rejected López Obrador's demand for a full
recount and instead ordered a partial one encompassing 9%
of the country's 130,500 polling stations. The recount of
the votes concluded on August 13th, but the tribunal has
not issued any decision yet. The Electoral Tribunal is the
court of final appeal in this dispute and must reach a final
decision by September 6, 2006, when the president-elect
is declared. The presidential inauguration will be held
on December 1.
The Call for an Independent Recount
The election has left Mexico divided. According to Arcop,
a leading Mexican pollster, 56% of Mexicans believe the
elections were clean, while 33% believe that the election
was fraudulent. According to pollster GEA-ISA 36% of Mexicans
do not think IFE is impartial. Whether or not the allegations
of fraud are true, a shadow of doubt has been cast over
an electoral system that most Mexicans were proud of and
believed to be reliable.
Proceso
has filed four different requests to the IFE. Daniel Lizárraga,
the investigative journalist from Proceso who has led this
effort, provided an electronic copy of each request to freedominfo.org.
Lizárraga stated that Proceso's "first motivation
was strictly informative, from a journalistic perspective.
Our second motivation was to use the rights bestowed upon
citizens through the Mexican Transparency Law to try to
find out what happened at the polls. The Mexican media was
the principal promoter of the Law in Mexico; these requests
are a step forward in its use."
Proceso
made a call for volunteers to participate in what they have
called an independent recount that would take place if the
Federal Electoral Institute responds favorably to their
request. So far, over 12,000 people have registered through
Proceso's website to be a part of this effort. Prominent
intellectuals such as Sergio Aguayo, Lorenzo Meyer, Ernesto
Villanueva, and John Ackerman have supported this project.
Media-led Recount in Florida
The
call by Mexican citizens for an independent non-governmental
recount follows the precedent set in the United States when
controversy erupted over the validity of the Florida results
in the 2000 presidential elections. After the United States
Supreme Court issued an injunction ordering that the Florida
counties stop the recount, giving the presidency to George
W. Bush, there was strong public dissatisfaction in the
decision making process. This led media organizations and
public interest groups to come up with their own way of
testing the results of the election by analyzing the disputed
ballots in Florida.
The
watchdog organization Judicial Watch was the first group
to seek access to the Florida ballots. According to their
Director of Investigations & Research, Christopher J.
Farrell, Judicial Watch sent requests to each election commission
for the ballots in 67 different Florida counties. At first,
access to the ballots was met with resistance from many
of the county election supervisors. But, on November 27,
2000 Palm Beach Circuit Judge Jorge La Barga ruled on the
basis of Florida's Sunshine law which allows for access
to state ballots, even after the certification deadline
has passed.
This
ruling by Judge Barga to uphold Florida's access to public
information law made the independent recount possible. Judicial
Watch carried out their study using a public accounting
firm, Johnson, Lambert and Co., that oversaw the efforts
to analyze the ballots. They conducted the review at each
of the Supervisor of Elections offices from December 2000-February
2001. County employees held up the ballots for Judicial
Watch observes to analyze, so there was no discrepancy over
the handling of the ballots. (See the report by Judicial
Watch on the recount: http://www.judicialwatch.org/cases/63/recountreport.htm).
Another
study of the elections results was conducted by The National
Opinion Research Center (NORC) at the University of Chicago.
The NORC was sponsored by a consortium of major U.S. news
organizations, to conduct a Florida Ballot Project comprehensive
review of all ballots that went uncounted (by machine) in
the official Florida tally. The study used an experienced
staff of 153 ballot examiners who moved through courthouses
and office buildings across Florida's 67 counties to inspect
175,010 ballots provided by local election officials. The
study lasted six months, beginning in February 2001, and
cost more than $500,000.
Access
to the ballots was never a question for NORC or the media
conglomerates sponsoring the study. "There was never
any dispute that ballots were public - everyone accepted
that fact," a lawyer who represented the New York Times,
Rachel Fugate stated in a November 12, 2001 New York Times
article. "What we had to fight about was the manner
in which they were produced for us." See the report
by NORC http://www.norc.uchicago.edu/fl/index.asp).
The
Miami Herald, its parent company Knight-Ridder and the USA
Today also sponsored a study analyzing the Florida ballots.
Similar to the other studies they hired an accounting firm,
BDO Seidman to analyze the ballots. The study counted over
60,000 votes in Florida's 67 counties, tabulating separate
vote totals using several standards. The newspapers paid
more than $500,000 and employed 27 accountants for the study.
It began on December 18, 2000 and concluded on March 13,
2001. See the "Miami Herald Report, Democracy Held
Hostage".
The Requests Submitted to IFE
Submission
of Request to IFE.
Source: Proceso Archive.
The
requests submitted by Proceso seek to get the necessary
information to be able to compare the information about
the votes cast for each candidate with the official figures
released by IFE. Records requested are related to several
aspects surrounding the July 2 elections.
In
its first request Proceso asks for access to the envelopes
containing all ballots (including leftover ballots, unused
ballots, valid and null votes) from all polling stations
installed for the July 2 presidential election. Proceso
is not seeking copies of these materials given the volume
of the records that are being requested (copying costs,
for example, would exceed 3.8 million dollars). The request
also states that access to these materials is requested
after the Electoral Tribunal reaches a final decision.
The
second request is for copies of tally sheets and scrutiny
acts from each of the 130,477 polling stations across the
country. The third request concerns copies of tally sheets
of each of the 300 electoral districts in Mexico, along
with other related materials that are specified in the request.
The last request is for the public version (i.e. excluding
any personal data of the voters) of the voters lists of
each polling station with the purpose of finding out the
number of people that voted in each one of them.
The
Federal Electoral Institute is a State body with its own
regulations and procedures concerning transparency and access
to information. Its decisions cannot be appealed to the
Federal Institute for Access to Public Information. An adverse
decision can be appealed to the Information and Transparency
Committee within IFE. If the requester is not satisfied
with this ruling she can choose to challenge this decision
at the Federal Electoral Tribunal of the Judicial Branch
citing a violation of her Political and Electoral Rights.
The
electoral law in Mexico states that the data in the voters'
lists is confidential and that after the electoral process
is over, the electoral material should be destroyed. Proceso
acknowledges this fact in its second request, asking for
a public version of these lists. Thus, the items in the
above mentioned requests would not violate Mexican privacy
regulations, as no personal information would be disclosed.
The Classified Records Index of IFE does not mention any
other of the records requested by Proceso as classified.
Daniel Lizárraga commented that this is the first-time
a request of this type is being made, and that it will set
an important precedent in access to information. The Mexican
Federal Electoral Institute must respond to Proceso's three
first requests by Friday August 18th and its fourth request
should be responded by September 15th. IFE may choose to
ask for a 15 day extension to respond to the requests.
A
request of this nature is unprecedented in Mexico's history;
it shows how citizens can use the federal access to information
law to gain insight into a political crisis that has put
Mexican institutions to the test. It also represents one
of the biggest tests of the incipient Mexican FOI Law to
date.
In
a petition that was published in El Universal on August
16th, members of civil society and the Mexican academic
and artistic communities stated that "…citizens
have the right to know if the electoral authorities acted
correctly and responsibly." The close to 200 citizens
that signed the petition concluded their statement by saying:
"Today for the first time in history, citizens have
the possibility of accessing ballots and carrying out a
complete independent recount, fully exercising their constitutional
rights."